15 Days

It is a tradition in the democratic world, whenever there is a change in administration, to take stock of the first 100 days. The idea is simple but effective. It is a period short enough to allow for an initial assessment of a new government, but at the same time long enough for the executive branch to have settled into power. However, Colombia is a country where so much happens, and the change proposed by De la Espriella is so radical, that it is more appropriate to assess his first 15 days in office.

In just two weeks, the new government has made important decisions on security, international relations, and the appointment of officials, while also having to deal with a devastating earthquake that has left hundreds dead and caused millions in losses. How have Abelardo de la Espriella’s first 15 days in the presidency been? What have been the main challenges facing his government so far? And what does this tell us about the rest of his presidency?

The Beginning

Abelardo’s presidency got off to an unorthodox start, with a dispute between him and his predecessor over where the inauguration should take place. It was a ridiculous argument with no real substance, merely an ego-driven struggle over who would get their way. In the end, De la Espriella was sworn in in Cali, a city battered by violence and one that symbolized his desire to make security a priority.

The ceremony was a mixture of a flag-raising ceremony and a Mass, very much in keeping with Abelardo’s exaggerated and theatrical personality, but completely inappropriate for the most important event in a secular liberal democracy.

The tiger, as he still calls himself, does not seem to understand that the elections are over. There is no longer any need to keep saying that he bites hard, or to put on a show with a military salute every time he appears on camera. The president promised to bring seriousness to the office, something that was lacking in the previous administration, but apparently he remains in campaign mode, still playing the showman he has always been.

Security as His Flagship Issue

Beyond his mannerisms, De la Espriella has shown that he intends to fulfill his promise to prioritize security. Since taking office, the government has completely changed its strategy. It has moved away from the alarming passivity displayed by the Petro government toward a succession of military operations, bombings, and attacks against the various armed groups.

In just a few days, the army managed to kill alias Momo and alias Max Max, respectively a territorial leader of the Clan del Golfo and an explosives expert with the dissident factions of Iván Mordisco. It also captured alias Bonito, second-in-command of the Comandos de la Frontera, and alias El Tuerto, the Clan del Golfo’s financial chief.

These positive results came alongside the announcement of a new military alliance with the United States. It was described as Plan Colombia 2.0 and would involve a bilateral military agreement with joint operations, as well as Colombia joining the Shield of the Americas.

The proposal was met with skepticism by opposition sectors, which deemed it unconstitutional because it had not been submitted to the Senate. However, the Constitution is clear. The decision that is expressly reserved for the legislature and could be subject to objection is contained in Article 173, which addresses the transit of foreign troops through the territory of the Republic. The constitutionality of the agreement will depend on its content, but if it is limited to logistical, technological, and intelligence support—which is the most likely scenario—and does not involve the transit or permanent presence of foreign troops, the government has a strong case for arguing that the agreement is legal.

Impulsive Decisions

The pattern continues in the area of international relations. De la Espriella appears to be aligned with Donald Trump on virtually every issue. Very early in his presidency, he announced that Colombia would move its embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, a symbolic move signaling his full support for the Israeli government over Palestinian claims.

But De la Espriella went a step further and recognized the Golan Heights as Israeli territory, something no country other than Donald Trump’s United States had previously done. The decision not only runs counter to Syrian sovereignty and international law; it is also reckless.

The Golan Heights are Syrian territory occupied by Israel since the Six-Day War in 1967. The region is officially part of Syria, but the Israeli government controls it de facto, arguing that it is essential to Israel’s security because the area’s elevation has historically been used to shell Israeli communities.

Even accepting the Israeli argument, recognizing the Golan Heights as part of Israel amounts to justifying the illegal annexation of territory and is an irresponsible and unnecessary diplomatic move. De la Espriella did not need this measure to demonstrate his support for the State of Israel and rebuild a relationship that should never have been broken in the first place. This overcorrection means, ethically, justifying an illegality and, practically, damaging relations with the Arab world.

Religious Dogmatism

The president promised that his government would be different from Petro’s, including by eliminating dogmatism. Petro often placed his ideology above technical considerations, but De la Espriella appears to be doing something similar with his religious convictions. The facts are that the government appointed Carlos Sepúlveda as director of the National Planning Department (DNP), but two days later appointed Julián Buitrago to the same position, effectively reversing its initial decision.

Comparing the two profiles, Sepúlveda has the stronger credentials. The former director holds a PhD in economics and has experience with multiple development plans, specifically under the Santos, Duque, and Petro administrations. He was also dean of Universidad del Rosario, which led to speculation that his appointment reflected the influence of José Manuel Restrepo.

The government’s official justification for the change is that Sepúlveda had worked under the Petro administration. However, according to a report by La Silla Vacía, the new government may have changed its decision because of Sepúlveda’s sexual orientation and family composition. Although it is impossible to determine the actual reason for the decision, some indications point toward the latter explanation.

If the reason for the change was that Sepúlveda had worked under the Petro administration, why was Julián Buitrago appointed, given that he had also worked in that government? According to sources cited by La Silla Vacía, the decision came after pressure from Christian groups that raised objections upon learning that Sepúlveda is gay and has an adopted son. If true, this would not only represent enormous hypocrisy on the part of the government, but also a serious violation of Sepúlveda’s fundamental rights.

The Great Tragedy

Finally, if there is one event that has defined Abelardo’s presidency during these first few days, it is the earthquake that struck only days after he took office. Although it is still too early to make a complete assessment, given how little time has passed and the fact that the reconstruction phase has not yet begun, the initial response has been relatively efficient.

The government responded quickly to the crisis. Within hours, the president had convened the National Disaster Management Committee, activated the UNGRD crisis room, and begun deploying teams to the hardest-hit areas. The main rescue teams and the necessary heavy machinery were already working within hours of the earthquake. However, this does not mean the early response was perfect. The government experienced problems and delays in accepting and receiving international rescue assistance, something that should not happen under a government that prides itself on handling matters in an entrepreneurial and practical manner rather than through entrenched bureaucracy.

During the first few days, the government correctly prioritized the search for trapped people while simultaneously managing to deploy medical teams to the hardest-hit areas and conduct aeromedical evacuations, mainly from municipalities in Chocó to Medellín. Although coverage remains incomplete, the government’s efforts have been significantly effective, and despite supply problems in some areas, substantial quantities of medicine, water, and emergency shelters have been delivered.

In short, Abelardo’s first days in office have been heavily shaped by the devastating earthquake that struck Colombia. The government has shown itself to be fast-moving and decisive, but also impulsive and vulnerable to its own contradictions. It will still take days for rescue teams to complete their work, weeks for humanitarian aid logistics to be fully consolidated, and months for reconstruction and economic recovery in the affected areas to be completed. Nevertheless, the government’s response has been competent, raising hopes that the work that remains will continue along the same path.